The rapid and mass dissemination of information and the wide range of communication options offered by digital media – especially social media – have given rise to both positive and worrying developments. Online hatred, the spread of conspiracy theories and disinformation campaigns are now a central component of various discourses in social media and have a multi-layered influence on opinion-forming processes and the opportunities for political participation of certain population groups.
A central aspect of online radicalization is online misogyny – the harassment of women online – mainly on social media through abusive and sexist language or images and threats of violence. [1], [2] The particular danger of this disturbing trend is that online misogyny is embedded in existing structures of disadvantage and oppression, especially when the women affected belong to minorities or historically disadvantaged groups. [3], [4] . Gender-based online abuse has become an effective method of suppressing dissent, criticism or even the mere pursuit of political participation. [4]
This is particularly evident in the case of politically active women. Research shows that female politicians are numerically underrepresented in the mass media and that reporting is full of stereotypes, trivializations, a focus on the politician’s appearance and her family relationships and less on ideas on political issues. [5] Social media was supposed to give less well-connected and especially young female politicians the opportunity to bypass traditional media and communicate more directly with the public – as a low-cost resource with great political impact for less represented female candidates. [6] However, this has not proven to be the case, as online misogyny continues to have a major impact on diversity in politics. While some full-time female politicians, who often have their own social media team, see the necessity of their work reinforced by hate campaigns and continue to actively shape online spaces, the opposite tendency can be seen among mostly volunteer and often young female local politicians. Women are already underrepresented in local politics, as various studies show: According to the ranking of major German cities on the political representation of women, only 11.7% of city leaders were female in 2022. City council mandates have developed positively and are now at 30% compared to the previous 18%. [7]
Local women politicians often do not know how to deal with threats, body shaming, gender stereotyping and the denial of their competence on the basis of being a woman. For this reason, women censor themselves, both as a preventative measure and as a reaction to experiences. It is a defensive and self-monitoring measure and means not writing about things that could provoke negative reactions. It means actively taking care not to post controversial things that could provoke reactions or arguments. Some local politicians also report a “scissors in the head”: the will not to give up on the one hand and not to give the perpetrators the satisfaction of having suppressed their own voice, and the experience with and exposure to online harassment on the other hand and the question of whether one wants to expose oneself to it again. The practice of self-censorship comes at a high price for female politicians, as restricting their online activities impairs their ability to act from the very beginning of their careers and deprives them of opportunities to network and promote their own work. [8]
Comparability with analogue phenomena
Misogyny towards female politicians in general and local politicians in particular is not a new phenomenon. Before female politicians were confronted with hate emails, sexist direct messages and misogynistic comments on social media, there were numerous cases of analogue threats and hate mail as well as verbal (sexualized) violence. Such gender-based attacks on women in politics are often closely linked to power conflicts. [3] Women are still exposed to the same power asymmetries that characterize the analogous realities and operate in structures, roles and processes designed by men for men. [3], [6] The political sphere is also often still perceived as male-coded in society, which means that women are sometimes seen as deviating from the desired norm. Because of this supposed breach of the norm, female politicians can therefore be justifiably insulted and attacked. [7] This look at the analogous, long-established political structures and power relations makes it possible to analyze the underlying dynamics of misogyny towards female politicians as firmly anchored in the material realities of everyday experiences of misogyny and sexism in a patriarchal society.
The specific dimension of this dangerous trend in the online context is that the perceived and technically realized anonymity in social media impairs the identification and tracking of misogynistic comments and messages. Even if those affected file a complaint, this makes it more difficult to identify and prosecute the perpetrators. In addition, the ubiquitous availability of social media allows people from different geographical regions to participate in locally rooted discussions and post comments. This can extend the reach of political discourse and its actors and promote important, diverse opportunities for participation in democratic opinion-forming processes, but at the same time harbors the risk of coordinated attacks against spokespersons.
Social relevance
Online spaces should offer a space for the promotion and active participation of female politicians. But the reality is that the need for self-censorship due to online misogyny severely limits these opportunities. This raises the important question: What impact does this behavior have on democratic opinion-forming processes and the active political participation of women?
In addition to necessary legislative and regulatory reforms, both nationally and internationally, it is also important to connect victims of gender-based harassment with each other as well as with specialized aid organizations. In this way, coping strategies can be developed jointly and resources and technological expertise can be exchanged. [4] However, the solution to the problem is not just about the legal system or the regulations of social media platforms – there are fundamental societal dynamics that lead to this form of online misogyny. It is not just about how to make online spaces safer for women, but also about how to improve the underlying social conditions that have made these spaces unsafe in the first place. [3]
Further links and literature
Recommended reading:
- Nann, Leah (Under Review). Zwischen politischer Teilhabe und Selbstzensur: Perspektiven von Kommunalpolitikerinnen in Deutschland auf Online-Misogynie. In: Sociologus.
- Udupa, S. (2021). Digital Technology and Extreme Speech: Approaches to Counter Online Hate.Commissioned Research Paper for the United Nations Peacekeeping Technology Strategy. https://peacekeeping.un.org/sites/default/files/digital_technology_and_extreme_speech_udupa_17_sept_2021.pdf [20.03.2024]
- Udupa, S. For Digital Dignity.https://www.fordigitaldignity.com [20.03.2024]
Sources
- Ging, D./Siapera, E. (Hg.). (2019). Gender Hate Online: Understanding the New Anti-Feminism. Cham: Springer International Publishing.
- Massanari, A. (2017). #Gamergate and The Fappening: How Reddit’s algorithm, governance, and culture support toxic technocultures. In: New Media & Society, 19(3), 329–346.
- Chadha, K./ Steiner, L./Vitak, J. (2020). Women’s Responses to Online Harassment. In: International Journal of Communication, 14, 239–257.
- Udupa, S. (2021). Digital technology and extreme speech: Approaches to counter online hate. Commissioned Research Paper for the United Nations Peacekeeping Technology Strategy, April 2021.
- Van Der Pas, D. J./Aaldering, L. (2020). Gender Differences in Political Media Coverage: A Meta-Analysis. In: Journal of Communication, 70(1), 114–143.
- Esposito, E. (2023). Cyberviolence against women in politics. In: Boyle, K./S. Berridge, S. (Hg.). The Routledge Companion to Gender, Media and Violence. UK, 462–472.
- Alin, S. et al. (2021). Beleidigt und bedroht – Arbeitsbedingungen und Gewalterfahrungen von Ratsmitgliedern in Deutschland. In: Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung (Ed.), Band 59 der Schriftenreihe Demokratie.
- Citron, D. K. (2010). The offensive Internet. In: Levmore, S./M. C. Nussbaum, M. (Hg.): Civil rights in our information age. Cambridge, 31–49.